Edited by Rhella MAARAD
In these 35 years since 1989 when communism ended as a form of cohesion of a part of the world, we have lived in a kind of limbo, in which membership of NATO was sufficient to safeguard our independence and our freedom. Of course, there have been wars in many corners of the planet, or very close as in Kosovo, but none has ever taken on a global significance as Putin and Hamas wanted to give to the conflicts they have unleashed now. Ukraine and Israel are in the crosshairs, but the design – probably unitary, the late Soviet-Tsarist design of the Kremlin and that of the Islamic imperialism of Iran and its armed, or at least unificable, arms – goes far beyond, and aims to question the entire planetary balances and with them the peaceful coexistence laboriously but profitably built from 1945 onwards. A context in which Europe, not fully aware of its limitations, risks being the real objective of the autocracies and terrorists. Partly because it is populated by political leaders who are unable, through a lethal mix of ignorance and ignorance, to tell the truth to its citizens, leaving them prey to misleading narratives, you want useful idiots or paid people who believe that Moscow has moved because provoked by NATO, or pacifists, more or less candid, who swear against Israel, often with anti-Semitic tones, without ever saying how to stop the “trio H” (Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthi) and who arms and finances it.
The historical passage we are living is decisive as never before. At stake is not only the present, understood as the continuity of freedom and well-being that previous generations have left us, but also and above all the future to be delivered to our children, which is all to be built.
On the one hand, we need to develop a defense capacity that is equal to the risks we are running, on the other hand, to create the conditions to be competitive in a world that experiments, with digital and artificial intelligence, new and revolutionary development models. We’re way behind on both borders. But we do not lack the chances of recovery, if only we could understand that in order to seize them we must accelerate the process of European political and institutional integration, courageously and far-sightedly putting our hands on Community institutions and rules.
We start from the birth of the euro, when it was believed that monetary integration would virtuously set in motion the other levels of coordination. So why not put at the heart of the European programme of national political forces and continental groupings a structural institutional reform that allows citizens to vote directly for European lists to elect a federal government? Without a European government it is purely illusory to speak of the common army, of integrating the producers of defence instruments, of a single foreign policy, of a common debt aimed at Community investments. In Italy there is a rampage around the umpteenth attempt to change the Constitution, without understanding that even the best of the reforms – and the one under discussion certainly is not, indeed – would not give the Italian government the ability to face the real problems, for the simple reason that they are absolutely not solvable at national level (and this applies to all countries, no one excluded).
Another opportunity to seize is called NATO. It is precisely in these days that we are celebrating the 75th anniversary of the Atlantic Alliance, which from 1949 onwards has been a decisive instrument for balancing the world. A birthday divided between the mute, the rhetoric and the old tirade on American imperialism. The opportunity to define a new and more significant European role in NATO comes from the proposal launched by the Secretary General of the Alliance, Jens Stoltenberg, to entrust NATO itself with the task of strengthening support for Ukraine – at this moment unavoidable if we do not want Kiev to succumb, opening the way to new and even more dangerous aims of Putin – with a military plan of 100 billion dollars. So far, Zelensky has had aid from individual states, in the concern to keep NATO on the side of the red line of direct intervention and thus avoid giving the Kremlin the excuse to trigger a conflict on a larger, if not global scale. But that aid is failing, and with it the ability of the Ukrainians not only to counter but also to defend themselves.
The economic-financial and industrial competition of Europe in the context of the new phase of globalization (post Covid and in the light of the drastic reduction in Chinese exports and the blockade of the Suez Canal) and the technological revolution underway.
We’re way behind schedule. A number for all: on artificial intelligence Europe has allocated 7 billion euros, OpenAI alone plans to raise 7 trillion dollars to transform business models. Eighteen zeros to nine, the game is lost at the start. Mario Draghi has invited the EU to spend at least 500 billion a year in the next decade, Enrico Letta is preparing to present to the European Council a reform of the single market that will indicate in telecommunications, Energy, defence and finance the sectors on which an anti-fragmentation action will be immediately placed. All right, but not achievable without first getting to grips with EU governance.
Haiti, together with the other Caribbean countries, are affected by a major governmental uncertainty , calls on the continental ruling classes to prepare themselves for structural reforms and specific policy proposals.
These countries with the importance in the Mediterranean must draw the attention of Europe ; because peace on the border is for the peace of Europe. Putin won’t let anything get away, gaining ground on the American continent where, after supplying Venezuela with sophisticated weapons such as surface-to-air missiles that can reach any country on this continent, For some time now, we have been noticing that in the popular demonstrations in Haiti several Russian flags are being brandished by demonstrators who are publicly calling for Russia’s support to stem the crisis.
And the answer was not long in coming, given that recently the spokesman for the Russian Foreign Ministry clearly accused the Americans of sowing chaos in Haiti and that Russia is already ready to help solve the problem of criminal gangs. We are faced with the frantic temptation of the Russians to extend their power all over the world to the doors of the Americans.
These peoples in civil war deserve their own government elected by the people in respect of the most elementary of democracies .
Today might seem premature to go to the polls. Then as the born with his works of guarantee has asked , entrust the presidency of the Government of passage to a technical figure guarantor , And, the experience of a past in Haiti teaches us as a technician of the world of the judiciary that coines well with higher education and certainly international guarantor to ensure aid to the country and simplify the electoral wait .
The hopes of Europeans who trust in the recommendations to the European institutions not to miss an opportunity to participate in the peace process , that these peoples be entrusted to a prime minister of authoritative preparation with the capacity for independence that only a man of the Tribunal can guarantee. My hope for this to happen before 9 June is very limited, but there is time. Not only politicians, but also representatives of culture, of the media, of businesses reflect on this. All of them, all of us, have the responsibility to decide whether to fight or whether to succumb, in all possible senses of the opposite conditions that these countries live.
I appropriately recall the reading of an article from Canada that has heard the thoughts of so many humanitarian associations and the world of the church , which recall magistrates Alténor Barthélémy, juge à la Cour de Cassation the new president of Haiti Judge Barthélémy Alténor belongs to the category of healthy reserves of the country. After almost thirty years of service in the Haitian judiciary, after having worked for the Public Prosecutor’s Office in the Tribunal of Port-au-Prince, he was the only one of his peers of greater standing than the then Minister of Justice and Public Security, in November 1999 honored and retained in office for its integrity, competence and magnanimity. Appointed judge at the Court of Cassation of the Republic, he is in the best position to ensure a political transition and lead the country to free, transparent, inclusive and democratic elections. The state of exception in which the country lives from the day after the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse deserves a transition imbued with a minimum of legality and legitimacy that the magistrate Barthélémy would seem the only one able to offer. Of a strong but conciliatory character, the magistrate Barthélémy, known for his integrity, his independence of spirit, his disinterest, his enlightened patriotism and open to the world, is almost unanimous in all areas of national life, including the crisis option and the Court of Cassation.
The Republic of Haiti entrusts the exercise of its national sovereignty to three powers. In the absence of the other two, the executive and the legislative, the judiciary, insofar as constitutionality, legality and legitimacy remain, is the last bulwark to be turned to to stem the current and multiform crisis of governability. The international political scene seems increasingly convinced with a single voice: Altenor Barthelmy, judge of the Court of Cassation, is in the best position to be the new president of Haiti..
Let it be the right time!
